Identity politics: Gorkhaland is to Mamata what Kashmir is to Modi

Identity politics: Gorkhaland is to Mamata what Kashmir is to Modi

Darjeeling swirled for almost two weeks. Since June 8, the resort town in the West Bengal Hills has seen battles clustered between demonstrators and security forces, while Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, the region’s large Gorkha party, has relaunched its request for a separate state of Nepal. The region – which depends on tourism – has seen visitors away and an almost complete stop.

With the economy of Bengal north injured and the public order situation in a mess, the Indian army had to be called in to help the state police. Conventionally, you might think that this conflagration could end up hurting the Trinamool Congress, which is in power in the state. However, ethnic policy in northern Bengal is not so simple. Despite the violence, Gorkhaland’s turmoil could actually end up helping the Congress politically Trinamool, helping to further push their Bengali identity program.
Mamata Banerjee has recently used a Bengali identity to counter the display of Hindu nationalism by the Bharatiya Janata Party as he made incursions into West Bengal. Trinamool has designed a status symbol and is composing a state song, purportedly to affirm Bengali culture and mark the state as part of northern India, according to a report in the Indian Express.

Minister attacked the BJP for “foreign culture imported” in West Bengal. “People love Lord Shiva, the goddess Durga and Kali and others for centuries. This is a party that wants us to worship a particular god,” he said, referring to the BJP’s efforts to organize massive Ram Navami marches. While the BJP has used the Ram symbol efficiently in northern India, there is a god worshiped among Hindu Bengali – a point that Banerjee was trying to use in his favor to stir up the pot of Bengali identity.

However, his movement conducted a broader study of obligatory Bengali in the state, imitating the linguistic nationalism of southern India, where such laws have already been adopted. It is this movement that infuriated the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha in the mountainous regions of the state, which provoked violent protests, while the Mamata Banerjee cabinet met in Darjeeling June 8 (although this time, Banerjee had announced that the Bengali rule does not apply To the hills). The Gorkha Janmukti Morcha complained that the hill people of Nepal speak of the state were submerged by Bengali politicians – the Party sued as Banerjee celebrates the birthday of Subhash Chandra Bose in Darjeeling.

This is not the first time that the Benghazi ethnic tensions have been a catalyst for Gorkhaland. While the hills are dominated by the Nepal Gorkha, as the Himalayas give the Dooars plains, the population is ethnically fragmented with a large number of Bengalis and Adivasis added to the mix. In 2007, for example, the city of Siliguri, located in the Dooars, saw Gorkha Bengali riots. However, most versions of a future state of this Gorkhaland region include, although Gorkha is a minority here.

Along with all this, across the state, the idea of dividing West Bengal is a political charge idea that generates a lot of excitement.

Decades before there was a World Yoga Day, this is how BKS Iyengar won India over with his yoga

Decades before there was a World Yoga Day, this is how BKS Iyengar won India over with his yoga

Iyengar was an anomaly in the city of Maharashtra. It was distinguished by its strong Dravidian characteristics of its southern vénérage of India (dhoti) and its kudumi, much hair at the ankle which means Brahman’s focal point about God. The front of his head shaved, the kudumi like a long ponytail, while behind him.

This ponytail that Maharashtrians wanted to call a Shendi, was a subject of great joy, especially among the youth of Pune. Iyengar took to cover his head with a cap to keep people from mocking him.

To add to the ignominy, people call him crazy when he told them he was a yoga practitioner. But all these problems were minor compared to the prospect of returning to Mysore and the claustrophobic life he had brought there. Pune was allowed to have a new life.

When he first arrived in Pune, he was often asked if a couple conceived if they were doing yoga. Barely eighteen years old and, in her own words, a complete innocent in matters related to sex, she was going to say with confidence: “Yes. Yoga will help you if it is practiced regularly for three years.

From 1937 to 40, he stayed at a Rasta Peth hotel near the hippodrome; It was populated by regular farmers. Guests of racing fans who wanted to rely on their intuition are systematically asking for a number between eight and fourteen years.

Iyengar had no idea why they had done it and was too absorbed by life to pay much attention to the strange quirks of the people of the city. I had no idea they are betting on the horse with the number they chose that day. Apparently, he had enough success rates to get them back.

He soon began to receive more suspicious calls from people who wanted him to choose two numbers between 1 and 100. Producers apparently have done their dexterity when choosing the winning horse and now there were people speculating about the opening and closing prices of the Person calling cotton United States cotton every day. Once Iyengar realized that he had been used as a pawn to make money, he stopped to force them. He would find many more productive uses of his intuition in his teaching.

Dr. Gokhale had reached an agreement with six schools and Gymkhana Deccan that each institution could, by paying eight rupees fifty countries a month, send ten students selected for classes with Iyengar, allowing him to earn sixty rupees month.

The classes are held in Deccan Gymkhana club and there were ten students in total. None of those who had registered were from the Deccan Gymkhana Club. After six months, schools, saying there was not enough interest among the students, have canceled their contract with Iyengar. Although the students wanted to continue, Iyengar faced the prospect of closing the rookie class.

Fortunately, some friends of Dr. Gokhale participated in helping fund the class for another six months.

Dr. Gokhale has also organized conference events at the Club. With their antagonistic attitude towards yoga and Iyengar, the demonstrations have been pressed in the last ten minutes of the conference. Dr. Gokhale was clear about the division of labor.

Activists claim Tamil Nadu hid a key coastal plan to facilitate Ennore Creek encroachments

Activists claim Tamil Nadu hid a key coastal plan to facilitate Ennore Creek encroachments

In November 2015, Madras received its strongest rainfall in a hundred years, causing a major flood in the city. Activists attributed the intensity of flooding to an illegal construction that has drowned the city’s gutters that are natural opportunities.

Now there is evidence to support their demands. A comparison of the 1996 Coastal Zone Management Plan maps – which defines areas along the coast that can be opened to construction – with current satellite maps shows that the government itself is the biggest delinquent of its own Standards along with the largest estuary in the city, the Ennore Creek.

But that is not all. Coastal activists had initially approached several government authorities to obtain copies of the 1996 plan, but authorities said they had not owned it. After finally getting a copy of the plan, activists accused the government now of removing or concealing the document from approving illegal construction along the creek.

The coastal zone management plan regulates development activity in the area less than 500 meters from the high tide line, a geospatial demarcation highest point reached by the tide along the coast. It is approved by the state. The last official Tamil Nadu plan was developed in 1996.

Although coastal activists have identified violations of various state and central projects along the Ennore stream in the Tiruvallur district, the exact extent of the violations was unknown. This is because the coastal zone management plan for Ennore Creek was not available for public review. In fact, of the 31 cards that make up this plan across the state, only 11 are available online. Coastal activists could not get the other government organizations 20.

In response to a question about the right to information submitted in September 2014, the Tamil Nadu District Coastal Management Authority said that it did not have a copy of the coastal zone management plan for Ennore Creek.

Activists conducted an inspection of the records at the state’s coastal authority office earlier this year, but have not found the plane. Activists said that this meant that the authority had cleared the construction projects along the ravine without consulting the official map of the coastal regulation zone.

This reporter tried to contact the director of the Department of Tamil Nadu by means of telephone, text messages and email request asking the management authorities how coastal the district, which controls did not have a copy of the plan approved management of Coastal areas in 1996. No response has been received.

Activists from the Coastal Resource Center, an Engo in Chennai, finally got a copy of the plan from another social activist, Jesu, who works with the coastal communities of Nagapattinam in southern Tamil Nadu. Jesu had filed a right to information petition with the Department of Environment seeking copies of the plane shortly after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami hit the coast of Tamil Nadu. Taking into account the current satellite image map of Google Earth Ennore Creek with activists found that 1,090 acres of the 8,000-acre protected wetlands along Ennore Creek were invaded by government units and public sector plants.

Activists allege that state authorities have either suppressed or disguised the 1996 plan that illegal construction can go ahead.

The map on the left shows the approved plan for coastal zone management, 1996, while the right card invasion data. (Credit: The Coastal Resources Center).

Dalits in Mumbai’s Ramabai Nagar settlement greet Kovind’s presidential nomination with scepticism

Dalits in Mumbai’s Ramabai Nagar settlement greet Kovind’s presidential nomination with scepticism

The decision of the Bharatiya Janta party Monday in the direction of Bihar Governor Ram Nath Kevin as the presidential candidate has been interpreted by many political analysts as an attempt to win the support of Dalits, a community that has long suspected saffron group.

This impression has gained momentum when it seems likely that the appointment of Kevin, a Dalit Kanpur, may win the support of the two opposition leaders: Party leader Bahujan Samaj and Janata Dal Mayawati (states), leader Nitish Kumar, considered A defender of the poorest Mahadalits. Even when opposition leaders meet June 22 to develop their strategy to counter the BJP, Kumar said he was personally pleased to nominate Kevin.

However, in Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar, a region mainly north-east of Mumbai Dalit, few residents seem overly impressed with the BJP’s decision. It was just another example of the bank’s policy to vote, said Nilesh Barve, who works with a travel company. For entrepreneur Anil Jagdale civil work and mass student Rakesh Patil Kevin was simply “other puppet” minorities “in the hands of a casteist party”.

As of Monday, some residents of Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar had heard of Kevin’s low profile, even though he had previously led the BJP Dalit wing and was the director of Bihar during his candidacy.

“Several political parties use caste identities to fill their banks of votes and this movement is no different,” said Aruna Ahire, a housewife. “And if Ram Nath Kevin comes to power, he invades us again. Although he will be appointed to the top position, it will be a nominal position, nonetheless.”

Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar residents have a reputation for being more politically active than many other Mumbaikars. This reputation is due to a tragedy that occurred in the area on July 11, 1997, when a state of BR Ambedkar, the icon of Dalit who is the architect of the Constitution of India, was desecrated by a chain of shoes. People who protest against this law have been shot by police, which left 11 dead and 26 injured.

When the shooting occurred, the BJP was part of the alliance of state power, with the Shiv Sena. This act of injustice still weighs on many in the neighborhood, as well as other attacks against Dalits in recent years.

“Eleven from the same local Dalits died while in the office the last time the BJP was in power,” said Sudhakar Mais, a retired resident of Ramabai Nagar. Since then, other atrocities have continued, he said, pointing to the suicide of Dalit PhD academic doctor Rohith Vemula at Hyderabad University January 2016 for after a chain of events that began with a Vemula bout and other members of the Ambedkar Students Association entered With the student organization of the BJP, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad.

“A Dalit nursing student was brutally murdered in Shirdi for the use of a ringtone that praised Ambedkar for more than two years,” he said more. “In this context, the designation of Kevin seems to be that the appeasement of minorities.”

But Deepak Bhosale, a trader, said he was grateful that the Dalits get a repayment representation. It is expected that with a Dalit to become president of India, frequent attacks against the Dalits will stop.